I, 1933, ch. six. As the third quantity of this excellent do the job had not nonetheless appeared at the time this essay was composed, the following exposition relies for Comte’s biography after 1817 mostly on the very same author’s quick Vie d’Auguste Comte, Paris, 1931. 112. A. Pereire, Autour de Saint- Simon, Paris, 1912, p. 99. Cf. now on these troubles my essay on ‘The Use of Knowledge in Society,” American Economic Review, XXXV, No. four (September, 1945), re- printed in Individualism and Economic Order, Chicago, 1948, pp. 77-91. one hundred. It is significant to bear in mind in this relationship that the statistical ag- gregates which it is often proposed the central authority could depend upon in its choices, are always arrived at by a deliberate disregard of the peculiar cir- cumstances of time and area. one hundred and one. Cf. in this link the sug- gestive discussion of the trouble in K. F. Mayer, Goldwanderungen, Jena, 1935, pp. 66-68, and also the current author’s article “Economics and Knowledge” in Economica, February, 1937, reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order, Chicago, 1948, pp. 33-56. 102. The Scientific Outlook, 1931, p. 211. 103. Ibid., p. 211. The passage quoted could be interpreted in an un- objectionable sense if “specific pur- poses” is taken to imply not distinct predetermined results but as capability to offer what the men and women at any time would like i.e., if what is prepared is a equipment which can serve a lot of ends and want not in turn be “consciously” directed toward a specific conclude. 104. A. Bebel, Die Frau und der Sozialismus, 13th ed., 1892, p. 376. (NOTES TO Pages 99-107) 221 “Der Sozialismus ist die mit klarem Bewusstsein and mit voller Erkenntnis auf alle Gebiete menschlicher Taetig- keit angewandte Wissenschaft.” Cf. also E. Ferri, Socialism and Positive Science (trans, from the Italian edi- tion of 1894). The first clearly to see this link appears to be to have been M. Ferraz, Socialisme, Naturalisme et Positivisme, Paris, 1877. one hundred and five. M. R. Cohen, Reason and Na- ture, 1931, p. 449. It is substantial that a person of the foremost customers of the movement with which we are con- cerned, the German philosopher Lud- wig Feuerbach, explicitly selected the op- posite theory, homo homini Deus, as his guiding maxim. Part Two one. D’Alembert was completely informed of the importance of the tendency he was supporting and anticipated later posi- tivism to the extent of expressly con- demning every little thing that did not intention at the progress of optimistic truths and even suggesting that “all occupa- tions with purely speculative topics should be excluded from a nutritious point out as profitless pursuits.” Yet he did not include in this the ethical sciences and even, with his grasp Locke, regarded them as a priori sciences equivalent with mathematics and of equivalent cer- tainty with it. See on all this G. Misch, “Zur Entstehung des franzosischen Positivismus,” Archiv fiir Philosophic, Abt. 1, Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophic, vol. 14 (1901), especially pp. 7, 31 and 158 M. Schinz, Geschichte der franzosischen Philos- ophic seit der Revolution, I. Bd. Die Anfange des franzosischen Positivis- us, Strassburg, 1914, pp. 58, 67-69, 71, 96, 149 and H. Gouhier, La jeunesse d’Auguste Comte et la forma- tion du positivisme, Vol. II, Paris, 1936, Introduction. two. Cf. E. Mach, Die Mechanik in ihrer Entwicklung, third ed., 1897, p. 449. three. In his famed perform Du culte des dieux fetishes (1760). four. (Euvres de Turgot, ed. Daire, Paris, 1844, Vol. II, p. 656. Compare also ibid., p. 601. 5. See especially the in-depth Webcam Anal tube– ysis by Misch and the publications by Schinz and Gouhier quoted in be aware one earlier mentioned, and also M. Uta, La theorie du savoir dans la philosophic d’Auguste Comte, Paris (Alcan), 1928. six. To keep away from offering a improper impres- sion it should most likely also be pressured at this level that the Liberalism of the French Revolution was of class not but based mostly on the knowledge of the marketplace system supplied by Adam 222 (NOTES TO Pages 107-109) Smith and the Utilitarians but instead on the Law of Nature and the rational- istic-pragmatic interpretation of social phenomena which is primarily pre- Smithian and of which Rousseau’s so- cial contract is the prototype. One may well in truth trace a lot of the con- trast, which with Saint-Simon and Comte became an open opposition to classical economics, back to the differ- ences which existed, say, in between Montesquieu and Hume, Quesnay and Smith, or Condorcet and Bentham. Those French economists who like Condillac or J. B. Say followed essen- tially the similar development as Smith hardly ever experienced an affect on French political imagined equivalent to that of Smith in England. The outcome of this was that the changeover from the older rationalist sights of modern society, which regarded it as a conscious creation of person, to the more recent view which preferred to re-generate it on scientific rules, took area in France with no passing as a result of a phase in which the working of the spontan- eous forces of modern society was usually recognized. The innovative cult of Reason was symptomatic of the general acceptance of the pragmatic conception of social institutions the pretty opposite of the look at of Smith. And in a sense it would be as correct to say that it was the very same veneration of Reason as the uni- versal creator which led to the triumphs of science that led to the new attitude to social problems as it is to say that it was the affect of the new patterns of believed designed by the triumphs of science and know-how. If socialism is not a immediate kid of the French Revolu- tion, it springs at minimum from that ration- alism which distinguished most of the French political thinkers of the period from the present-day English liberal- ism of Hume and Smith and (to a lesser diploma) Bentham and the philosophical Radicals. On all this see now the very first essay in my volume on Individualism and Economic Order, University of Chicago Press, 1948. seven. See his Esquisse d’un tableau his- torique des progres de V esprit humain (1793), ed. O. H. Prior, Paris, 1933, p. 11. 8. Cf. his Tableau common de la science qui a pour objet I’ application du calcul aux sciences politiques et morales, (Euvres, ed. Arago, Paris, 1847-49, Vol. I, pp. 539-573. 9. (Euvres, ed. Arago, Vol. I, p. 392. ten. Condorcet, Rapport et pro jet de decret sur I’ organization deliver de V instruction publique (1792), ed. G. Compayre, Paris, 1883, p. a hundred and twenty. eleven. Esquisse, ed. Prior, p. 11. twelve. Ibid., p. 200. thirteen. Ibid., p. 203. The well-known pas- sage in which this sentence occurs fig- ures, characteristically, as motto of e book VI, “On the Logic of the Moral Sciences” of J. S. Mill’s Logic. 1 four. It is worthy of point out that the guy who was so largely responsible for the creation of what in the late 19th century arrived to be regarded as “his- torical perception,” i.e., of the Entwick- lungsgedanke with all its metaphysical associations, was the exact same man who was capable of celebrating in a dis- course the deliberate destruction of papers relating to the historical past of the noble households of France. “To-working day Reason bums the innumerable volumes which attest the vainness of a caste
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